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John
Walker: Abstract | Full
Story | Images
and Artifacts

John Walker is a member of
the “Greatest Generation.” The
term, popularized by famed newsman and author Tom Brokaw, refers
to Americans who were raised during the Great Depression and
fought World War II from home and on the front lines. In his
book, The Greatest Generation (1998) Brokaw wrote "this
is the greatest generation any society has produced."
Like most veterans his age,
Walker didn’t become a solider
to seek fame or fortune. He went off to defend his country simply
because it was the right thing to do.
As a mortar gunner and later sergeant squad leader of a 60-millimeter
mortar squad, 21-year-old Walker and the other young soldiers
in his squad were shipped to Europe among three company rifle
platoons in their efforts to defeat the Germans. (Note: As part
of his duties, Walker carried the 45-pound, 60 millimeter mortar,
which looks like a tripod cannon).
Fifty-three years after the war ended, at the urging of his
five children, Walker committed his remembrances of his three
years of service to paper. Using 134 letters he wrote home
to his family from the front lines, he created a 73-page bound
book that chronicles some of the most memorable events, beginning
when he entered the army in February 1943 through fierce battles
he survived in France and Germany, until his discharge from
the army in March 1946. The photos Walker includes in his memoirs
show a handsome, bespectacled youth in uniform smiling from
the door of a boxcar on his way to Camp Phillip Morris in France;
aboard the U.S.S. Anderson; on leave in Nice; and with a fellow
sergeant holding the “good news headline” in the
Stars and Stripes Army newspaper that boldly declared “Hitler
Dead.”
After years of silence about his wartime experiences, Walker
finally rejoined other war veterans and began talking aloud of
his service. These days, he is sometimes called upon to speak
to schoolchildren, and revels in helping youngsters understand
what it was really like to be a soldier during World War II,
from the clothes he wore, to the cold he endured, to the showers
he was fortunate to take every six weeks or so.
When Pearl Harbor was bombed
in December 1941, Walker was a student at Georgetown University
in Washington,
D.C. Well aware
that he would be drafted, he tried to enlist in the Navy, but
was refused for poor eyesight. He ended up enlisting as a private
in the Army and graduated a semester early, on his birthday—January
31, 1943. He went home to New York City and was called to active
duty three weeks later.
For several months, Walker was rapidly processed through several
camps and infantry replacement training centers, including Camp
Upton in Long Island; Camp Croft near Spartansburg, SC; through
Signal Corp School at Camp Crowder, MO; Army Specialized Training
Program (ASTP) training at Grinnell College in Iowa, and North
Dakota Agricultural College in Fargo.
The story that follows details
some of Walker’s experiences
and is primarily told as a narrative in his own words, written
from an oral interview with him and his wife at their home on
September 15, 2008. Definitions appear in italics.
In March 1944, John Walker became part of the Rainbow Division,
based in Oklahoma. (The Rainbow Division’s name was granted
by Chief of Staff MacArthur during World War I. Activated at
Camp Mills, NY, in 1917 by taking national guard units from all
over the U.S., MacArthur met the new troops at Camp Mills in
New York and noted that the make up of the division covered the
country like a rainbow. )
During the ensuing months,
until he was shipped overseas, he was “in the field,” crawling
through the woods, firing weapons, and learning to carefully
read maps.
In November 1944, Walker
and about 9,000 men (three infantry regiments of 3,000 soldiers
each)
were shipped from Manhattan,
NY, to Marseilles, France. The journey took two weeks and when
they debarked on December 9, recalls Walker, “we realized
how badly the Marseilles Harbor had been shot up” as the
Germans retreated.
After 10 days near Marseilles,
Walker’s unit was called
upon to help aid the Allies in the Battle of the Bulge. The Germans
started attacking through Luxembourg. Americans needed infantrymen
in a hurry so we shipped north, said Walker. (In December 1944,
Adolph Hitler launched German troops against Allied lines in
the Ardennes Mountains that extend through Belgium, Luxembourg,
and France. Hitler planned to drive through Antwerp to destroy
the British and U.S. troops north of there. When storms grounded
Allied aircraft, the Germans moved in quickly. However, a few
U.S. units moved north which enabled the British to send reserves
to secure the front lines as General Patton's Army hit the south.
Once the weather cleared, the Germans were hit from all sides.
Their attack resulted “in a large bulge in the Allied lines.” The
Americans suffered great casualties; but the Germans’ loss
was far worse. By the end of January 1945, American units had
retaken all of the ground they had lost, and Germany’s
defeat was imminent.)
For four days, Walker and
his fellow soldiers were crammed into “40
and 8’s box cars,” slept on the floor and ate K rations
(pre-packaged or canned food), rode through the Rhone River Valley
to the front lines, and debarked at Bensdorf. (The French called
these box cars 40 and 8’s because they were big enough
to hold 40 men or 8 horses.)
When the men arrived in Bensdorf, they got out of the cars and
stared. The town had been mostly destroyed during heavy fighting
a few weeks before. That night, they marched to a nearby old,
abandoned factory. After bedding down on the concrete floor,
they watched the artillery flashes until they fell asleep.
The following day, Christmas
Eve, Walker and his unit stayed in Bensdorf, picking through
the
debris in the town. They returned,
that night, to the old factory. Less than an hour later, they
received orders to move out. In the dark and bitter cold, “open
trucks came and we loaded up. We got lost and drove around Alsace
all night until our driver got us where we had to go—to
the big Maginot Line Fortress Von Bismarck. They spent Christmas
Day awaiting orders, in total darkness, “in the bowels
of” the big French fort. On December 26, they marched to
Obershaffelsheim and then, a few days and many miles later, to
Duppigheim.
On New Year’s Day, Walker and his squad rode in DUKWs
(amphibious vehicles used by the Army to transport troops) to
the front lines at the French Maginot Fortress Schwartzkoff on
the Rhine River where “my squad manned a 50-caliber machine
gun zeroed in on the German front line across the river. We could
see them running from pillbox to pillbox (bunkers), but didn’t
shoot.”
Then, they spent a week in
three little towns, pulling guard duty outside of a house or
around road
systems outside of the
town. “There were rumors of Germans parachutists in our
area; but, we never found any. There was always a threat that
the Germans would cross the Rhine River. There were a lot of
our regiment guarding it, but we were very thinly spread. German
patrols could cross the river and we wouldn’t even know
it.” Normal defense usually deploys each man about five
to 10 yards apart along the front so that the men are in contact.
Because these troops were holding such a large area—30
miles of front—they only had enough men to be 100 yards
apart. Many of the men had been pulled north, like a great big
gate, to fight the Battle of the Bulge; so, we had to fill in
the front where the 3rd Army had been before Patton pulled them
out.”
On January 3rd, the soldiers
marched 10 miles to Feggersheim, then rode in DUKWs to Hermerswiller.
By January 7th, they were
in Hoffen. The next day, they marched a half mile to Leiterswiller “where
we took up defensive positions facing heavy fighting taking place
a mile way in Hatten and Rittershofen.”
From January 9th to January
20th, “we took a fearful battering
from German artillery, mortars, and tank fire,” says Walker.
With very little time to
reflect about his first time in battle, Walker and his fellow
soldiers moved
again and again. It was “very
touch and go because the Germans were pushing [our] way with
two armored divisions,” trying to capture the two small
French Alsatian towns. If captured, these towns would have opened
the path for a big German advance. In mid-January, there was
tremendous pressure upon thin American lines and for a couple
weeks, my company was in a defensive position. We dug fox holes
and positioned ourselves to look a mile away and see the heavy
battle. We had to be careful getting out of the foxholes and
walking around or the Germans would send artillery our way.
On January 19th , we got orders that we were going to retreat.
That night, in darkness and a snowstorm, we pulled out of the
lines. We were forced to withdraw 15 miles, finally re-established
a defense line along and behind the Moder River in the Haguenau-Schweighausen
area of Alsace.
Several days later, on the
night of January 24th, the Germans launched a heavy attack
against our
regiment, and after an hour
of two or fighting along the Moder River line, they broke through
E&F Companies. At about 9 o’clock, I was pulling guard
duty at my company CP and got orders to go back to my platoon.
We were pulling out to go find some 700 German paratroopers who
had broken through. Our job was to find and stop them.
Amidst another snowstorm,
we sallied forth from Ohlungen…[until
the] Germans ambushed us in a large field. As we crossed the
field, off to the right, I heard a rifle shot. I immediately
hit the snow-covered ground. I was carrying the mortar and no
sooner did my body hit the ground, than the red and green tracer
bullets started flying everywhere. They must have had 12 machine
guns and they just kept shooting at us for three to four hours
as we lay there in the snow. We were trapped, pinned down on
the field by German fire, and many were killed and wounded. Initially,
there was so much fire that we couldn’t do anything but
lay there and pray.
Occasionally the Germans shot up flares to light up the whole
field so they could see where to shoot. Soon my squad leader
and I set up our mortar and returned fire on the Germans. The
rest of our company also fired on the Germans. Later, we decided
to withdraw from the field. One guy in our squad left his ammo
and deserted. He just bugged off. We never saw him again. So
then, there were just four of us. We finally withdrew from the
field, retreated to Ohlungen, regrouped with our company, and
went back out at daybreak to establish a line of defense along
the Ohlungen-Schweighausen Road.
We dug in [as best we could]; but, the ground was so frozen
that it was solid, like concrete. As we lay along the road and
looked into the woods, 150 yards away, we could see activity
and the paratroopers digging in. Occasionally, fire went back
and forth.
Our company commander sent
two scouts out toward the German line. They got about halfway
across the
field and the Germans
opened fire on them. They both went down. Later, we sent out
two men with a white flag toward the German line. Two Germans
came out with a white flag and they talked out there and looked
at our scouts laying there in the snow and agreed that the wounded
soldier could be evacuated. One man was not wounded so he had
to stay where he was. They authorized the “meat wagon,” an
Army ambulance, to come out. They put [the wounded soldier] in
the meat wagon, left the field, and then the fire fight started
again [with the other man still on the ground].
Then, two tanks came from our side firing their cannons and
machine guns at the German position. We advanced behind the tanks,
capturing and killing a lot of the paratroopers and driving the
paratroopers out of the woods.
The following day, another
U.S. division—The 101st Airborne—came
to relieve us and we were sent back for some rest. Our company
had six killed, 15 wounded, and six missing in that 24-hour battle.
For that battle (our regiment was stretched out about 3 miles),
and our outstanding defense, our 222nd regiment was awarded the
presidential unit citation.”
For their period of rest,
the soldiers were sent to Einville, “a
typical little French country town, muddy and dirty with big
piles of manure in the streets. We were there for three weeks
so we could rest and get some decent food rather than the K rations
we were living on, get replacements for our losses, and get more
training. We marched during the day and trained. It was a respite,
a chance to catch our breath.
On February 15, we were trucked into the northern Vosges Mountains
of Alsace. We dug in there for a month, [and] were in primarily
a defensive position, sending combat patrols into the German
lines to kill or capture Germans. On March 15th, we jumped
off in a major attack on the German lines and spent the next
two weeks advancing through the mountains, through the German
Siegfried Line, and then, in tucks, across the Rhine River,
on March 31st,on a pontoon bridge. The mountains were so steep
and rugged that trucks could hardly get there. We got most
of our supplies during the attack phase of the campaign by
mule back.
On Easter Sunday, April 1st,
a sunny, mild day, we started moving south toward Wurzberg.
We stopped
for a rest period in a woods.
I remember these pine trees; we were at the edge of the woods;
when, all of a sudden, all hell breaks loose. All this firing
is coming down through the trees. We all hit the ground. I hear
the roar of a German jetfighter. He’d spotted us and he
was strafing. All these bullets were coming through the trees
and hitting the ground all around us. It scared the living daylights
out of us. The firing came first, then the jet noise followed.
The jet (Messerschmitt Me 262 Schwalbe, German for swallow) was
one of very few that the Germans had in any quantity. He swung
around and made another pass over us and strafed us again, then
took off. None of the guys in my immediate area were hit. I don’t
know how we lucked out of that. So, we picked up our stuff and
continued on our way. We had to get to Wurzberg. This city had
been firebombed by the British two weeks before we got there.
I remember looking across the Main River; all I could see were
destroyed buildings. It had once been this quaint, old medieval
city and now its streets were filled with rubble.
To get across the river, we had to get into rowboats. A German
machine gunner was shooting at us from 200 yards down river,
and the river was flowing right to left, toward the machine gunner;
so, we had to row [upstream] like mad to get across the river.
[Once] across the river and out [of the boat], we got up against
warehouses and waited for orders to advance into the city proper.
We spent three days fighting in Wurzberg because the Germans
defended quite strongly.
On that first night, [our]
mortar section—three guns—stopped
its advance at this church that had been hit by bombs. We were
a couple of mortar squads sitting there, eating our K rations
in this church yard that had a red brick wall around it. We lined
up against this brick wall, which was about waist high, and designated
guard routine. Everyone would have one hour on guard duty and
would stay awake.
It was raining and the [rain
drops were] pattering down on our steel helmets. At about 4
a.m.,
my assistant gunner was on guard.
He was sitting next to me, against the wall. He was awake as
the rest of us were dozing. He saw someone come out of the church
basement. The light was poor so it looked like a dark shadow;
but, he saw this individual pick his way across the church yard
left to right. So, he yells halt. This German fires his weapon
at us and a bullet hits the wall above our heads. My assistant
gunner fires. His gun jams so he ejects [the casing] and fires
three more rounds. The German goes down. He’s hit. He’s
lying there 60 feet or so from us in the dark and he’s
crying out in German. [Now] we’re all wide awake—we
were as soon as the gunner yelled halt—and we’re
whispering very quietly, what are we going to do? So, we decide
to get up at a certain moment as a skirmish line and start shooting
at everything. We can’t tell in the semi-darkness what
it is so we get up and start firing and we kill him.
He turned out to have a rifle and a couple of hand grenades,
we called them potato mashers because they had wooden stick
on the end, flares, a flare gun, and candy. We took his candy.
When we went through his belongings and pockets, I felt sad
because we saw a picture of a woman and kids in his wallet.
We spent three days picking our way through the rubble in Wurzberg
before we drove the Germans completely out of the city.
From there, we went on to
Schweinfurt, (the capital of ball bearing manufacturing, which
had been
severely bombed for two
years by the U.S.A.F.) We ran into fighting along the way—we
never knew if the Germans would decide to defend a town or not.
One day, as we were marching along in open formation along the
Main River, a German 88 battery opened on us and began firing
anti-aircraft shells. They were exploding 60 feet above us in
the air. There were these big black clouds in the air and guys
were getting wounded as the shrapnel came down.
Our orders were to keep moving
forward, to take a side road to get away from anti-aircraft
fire. My
platoon sergeant said
to go back up the road we were just on, to where the battalion
vehicles were (the jeeps and so on). I got in the first jeep
and we came roaring up to where we had to make a left turn; I
hopped out and just at that time, the battery opened up on us
with 88s and shells burst overhead. The next jeep would come
up and I’d direct him where to go, then hit the dirt. I
could see when the guns were fired and see the flash; and I knew
when I saw the flash and shells that it would be over [me in]
two to three seconds so I’d hit the deck. I thought I‘d
had it that time…the shrapnel was all around me. But, once
the last vehicle came up, I [stood] up and took off, the firing
stopped, and later, I caught up with my company.
When we got down to Furth/Nuremburg
, we had to cross this long bridge; but, they’d blown out one part of the roadbed.
So we crossed on a large intact pipe under the roadbed. Then,
the fighting ended in Furth. The guys requisitioned cars and
rode around. I remember guys driving a German fire truck and
doing crazy things like that. A lot of DPs (displaced persons)
were there. They’d been brought by Germans to work in factories.
There was this big clothing factory and all these DPs wanted
to get in and get some clothes. One of the guys shot the lock
off and the DPs poured in there and we said, come on in. We helped
them get all clothes could carry.
From Furth, we kept heading
south, through Bavaria and the Danube River. We’d occasionally
run into a fire fight but not too many.
In one town, we went down a long narrow street, in company,
in column, The Germans at the other end opened up with twin 20
mm anti aircraft cannons. They were firing down the street. There
were explosive shells. We all hit the ditches right away (there
were ditches on either side) We never knew the types of things
we might run into.
Though it might seem that way, there was not always constant
fighting. There was a lot of plodding along, marching, going
through little towns. If we approached a town not being defended,
the German citizens would put out white sheets to signify they
would not fight.
We finally got to Dachau
on April 29th and most of us didn’t
know what Dachau was. I knew it was a concentration camp but
I didn’t know what that meant. It was a messy situation
because there were 33,000 [inmates] there and they were walking
skeletons. The Germans had worked and starved the inmates and
many had diseases, such as typhus. The Germans had given them
diseases, experimented with them. The camp smelled terrible.
At Dachau, there was this
whole string of box cars outside, crammed with dead prisoners.
The doors
of the box cars were open
and dead bodies were lying in there. They’d been brought
from other concentration camps farther up in Germany, in Poland,
and the Germans had been evacuating them, to get away from the
Russians. These people hadn’t been fed in days and as they’d
moved so slowly across Germany, in bad weather; so, when they
got there most of them were dead and the rest of them were probably
shot so they wouldn’t get out. We found one man alive out
of 1,500 in box cars. It was terrible.
In Dachau itself, it was
a terrible scene. I couldn’t
believe what I saw. But, the Germans surrendered pretty much
without a fight. The SS there guarding the camp were killed by
inmates; or, if they made any resistance, were killed by American
troops.
The next day, the Americans
wanted to help, to give the [prisoners] food, all that stuff,
and
the Red Cross came to treat them. Our
GIs wanted to give them food, regular food, but they couldn’t.
The prisoners would eat it and it’d make them sick.
The Germans would mislead the prisoners. Right on those wrought
iron entrance gates was [the inscription] Arbeit Macht Frei.
Work makes you free. What baloney.
The night of April 29th, our squad stayed right by the camp,
in a little house. The following morning, we rode on tanks right
next to the fences. Hundreds of the prisoners were at the fences
waving to us and shouting in all different languages. We threw
our K rations to them and then went on to liberate Munich.
We stayed overnight in Munich, and the following day went south
toward the Alps. It was May 1, and we marched out in a snowstorm.
For the next week, the war was practically over. There was no
real fighting. Germans were surrendering by the thousands.
We’d see whole contingents of German troops; but, they
were surrendering. We would not pay attention to them. We’d
wave at them and they’d go toward our rear and be taken
as prisoners.
That last week, there was
so much marching. We’d go into
little towns; we’d search the houses, attics to basements,
to see if German soldiers were hiding. They’d do that during
the last days of the war. In one little town, we collected 35
prisoners who had been hiding; some in uniform; some out. We
could tell easily if they’d been in service.
When we’d stop in these little villages, we’d sleep;
but, we had to have guards. We’d set up with two machine
guns and if you were the guard on machine gun duty, you had to
man it all night. We’d capture the town never knowing what
they were going to do.
As soon as it was daylight, we’d get up, grab our K ration,
and be on the road again toward the next town. We never did
get a heck of a lot of sleep.
The war ended May 8th and
within a week, we went into the Austrian Tyrol Valley by truck.
What
a gorgeous country, 7,000-foot mountains
on the north and south sides of the valley. We bounced from town
to town for another eight weeks, to show people that troops were
around. We pulled road blocks because lots of Germans were hiding
in the mountains; they’d come down and surrender. Our division
picked up a lot of high German muckity mucks who’d tried
to escape by going into the mountains.
I finally left in February
1946 for home. When the war ended, my company, Company G was
10-15 miles
from Austria and the Alps.
That’s what the Allies were so fearful of—that the
Germans were going to get into the Alps, their “Alpine
Redoubt” and prolong the war. We were afraid the Germans
were planning to defend the Alps and that they’d withdraw
into the Alps and it would be one heck of a job to get them out
of there.
During Walker’s four
months of combat, his company of 190 men, Company G, 30 men
[were]
killed, 100 more wounded. Walker
considers himself lucky. I saw companies who had 190 and they
ended up with 25 or 30 men because all of the others were killed
or wounded. He himself was never injured, despite lots of close
calls.
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Once out of the service, Walker completed graduate school at
Columbia University and was commissioned as a 2nd Lieutenant
in counter intelligence. He was called back into service for
the Korean war and served about 18 months as an instructor
at Fort Holabird in Baltimore (which closed in the 1970’s).
He eventually retired from the Army as a Lieutenant Colonel.
For more information about the Rainbow Division, visit http://www.rainbowvets.org/.
John Walker: Abstract | Full
Story | Images
and Artifacts |